Article
Ethics
4 min read

The expectations of an oath: lessons from Hippocrates

M. Çiftçi explores the evolution of a historic and contemporary commitment to protect the vulnerable.

Mehmet Ciftci has a PhD in political theology from the University of Oxford. His research focuses on bioethics, faith and politics.

While surgeons operate in the background a digital display shows numbers in the foreground
Natanael Melchor on Unsplash.

A ‘casual acceptance of infanticide seems to have been not the exception but the rule among both Greeks and Romans in the centuries immediately preceding the birth of Christ.’ That shocking fact about the pagan world’s attitudes towards children, mentioned in David Albert Jones’ The Soul of the Embryo, has been brought to our attention again recently by Tom Holland’s Dominion. Since his book was published, much has been written, even in Seen & Unseen, about the radical alteration of our attitudes towards the weak and vulnerable, especially children, women, and slaves, by the Christian faith’s love for the weak over the strong. The depictions of Christ’s suffering humanity in crucifixes over centuries slowly worked to change the attitudes of even the strong and powerful.  

But to think that the Greco-Roman world was entirely callous towards the vulnerable is not true. There is a minority of voices revealing that, even then, there were some opposed to the killing of children in the womb or after birth. There were some who anticipated the revolution of values that the Judaeo-Christian tradition was about to inaugurate. Within that minority of pagan authors, the writings attributed to Hippocrates (who was roughly a contemporary of Socrates) and to his school, in particular, stand out. Translations of his writings from Greek into Syriac, Arabic, and Latin ensured their influence for centuries over Muslim and Christian physicians. The most well-known one, of course, is the Hippocratic Oath, which explicitly forbids causing an abortion using a pessary.  

Its description of the moral rules and humane ideals that physicians swear to obey, is partly responsible for the honour and prestige that is still, even today, attached to the medical profession. Medical schools around the world, including 70 percent of them in the UK, still use some version of the Oath in their graduation ceremonies, so that the new medics can make their promise to obey a short summary of the ethical ideal that should guide their practice. The revival of interest in the Oath more recently dates from the post-war period, when the appalling example of medical experimentation in the Nazi regime led the then newly founded World Medical Association to draft the Declaration of Geneva in 1948, since revised multiple times, which have in turn inspired many other versions of the Oath to be written. Some of them are banal and frankly silly, such as one version by the poet David Hart: ‘I will not knowingly do harm to those in my care, I will smile at them and encourage them to attend to their dreams and so hear the voices of their inner strangers’.  

Doctors today, in their day-to-day work, rely more often on complex documents detailing their professional obligations. So, what can we and they learn from the Oath? 

The Oath includes general promises to use treatments for the benefit of patients and to protect them from harm and injustice, but more specifically it also promises to not give a deadly drug to anyone if asked, nor to suggest giving one to a patient, including a pessary to cause an abortion as I’ve already mentioned. Later the Oath states:  

‘Into whichever houses I enter, I will go for the benefit of patients, keeping myself free of any intentional injustice or corruption, particularly in sexual matters, involving both female and male bodies, both of the free and of slaves.’  

Already, this tells us, there was an awareness that patients are vulnerable when in the care of another. The physician must not take advantage of their vulnerability, either sexually, or by euthanising them, or by enabling those in despair to commit suicide. A renewed commitment to these rules should be urged, since some doctors continue to abuse their power over patients in these ways, sometimes even with legal permission in countries that permit assisted suicide

That the Oath was written by a pagan points to the possibility of us all finding our way, without appeal to any holy book or revelation, to an agreement about some basic moral rules that should guide doctors. However, Christianity put its own spin on the Hippocratic Oath, as we can see from a Christian version of it dating from the early Middle Ages. Gone is the reference to swearing by Apollo and Asclepius, whose serpent-entwined rod remains a symbol of medicine today. But, more importantly, the Christian oath forbids causing an abortion by any means, making the promise more definite and explicit. This provides further evidence of the argument mentioned at the beginning of Christianity’s preoccupation with defending the most vulnerable from harm.   

Whereas the original Oath envisages belonging to a closely-knit circle of physicians, led by a teacher, from which outsiders are to be excluded, those sections are completely missing from the Christian version. According to W.H.S. Jones, this could be because creating ‘an inner circle of practitioners shows an aristocratic exclusiveness, which is in sharp contrast with the universal brotherhood of Christianity. The relief of pain and suffering … should be tied by no fetters and hindered by no trade-union rules. Christian benevolence should be universal.’ For that reason, Jones thought that the Christian Oath might have been originally written during the earliest centuries of Christianity, when Jesus’ healing missions and the Apostles’ practice of holding all possessions in common had not yet been ‘forgotten or neglected.’  

In Westminster Abbey, last year, we saw at the Coronation that the heart of our political system is an exchange of vows between monarch and his people, vows sworn in the belief that to remain faithful to what was promised are gifts given by something above us and beyond our ability to control. Similarly, the weighty responsibilities of marriage have inspired societies across generations to begin married life by pledging solemn promises. Why should we expect anything less from those who take us into their care when we are struck by disease, or facing death?  

Column
Comment
Ethics
Football
Politics
5 min read

PSG’s win signals politics over purpose – other institutions take note

When church and football feign neutrality, politics can ride roughshod
A footballer holds up the European cup, behind him fans are jubillant.
PSG fans celeberate.
PSG.TV.

There’s a new name on the Champions League trophy.  

In the most one-sided final in the competition’s history, Paris Saint-Germain trounced Inter Milan 5-0 to lift Europe’s most prestigious club trophy for the first time in their history. 

But this is not the PSG of recent years. Gone are the Galacticos: no Messi, no Neymar, no Mbappe. Where previously PSG resembled a 13-year-old boy’s attempt to win Football Manager by just buying all the best players, this year’s team looks like … well, a team. 

And what a team. Vitinha is metronomic in midfield. The game is played at his pace. He is the jazz instructor in Whiplash. “Not my tempo,” he says, over and over again, until reality bends to his will. Hakimi and Mendes are boundless balls of energy as the two wing-backs. They always threaten and it is no surprise that Hakimi gets the first goal. 

And then there are the forwards. 19-year-old Désiré Doué somehow looks the consummate professional at such a young age. Ousmane Dembélé has a quiet night by his standards, but the Barcelona reject looks born to play for this team. Khvicha Kvaratskhelia is the kind of footballer you imagine yourself as when playing on school playgrounds. So unorthodox, but simply irresistible. The ultimate jumpers-for-goalposts footballer. He may well be the closest thing football has to a personification of what the sport is all about. He is joy and flare masquerading as a 24-year-old Georgian lad. 

At the helm of it all is Luis Enrique. Enrique’s teams are aggressive, fluid, and intelligent. “They pass forward with spite” Steven Gerrard says during the TV coverage of the match. What a line.  

In 2019, Enrique lost his youngest daughter Xana to bone cancer, aged just nine. To hear him talk about his loss is heartbreaking. At full-time the PSG fans unveil a picture of Xana with her dad in a genuinely tender moment of compassion and humanity. 

All this is to say that, wherever you look, this incarnation of PSG is a deeply, deeply likeable one.  

But then, that’s the point, isn’t it? 

PSG were taken over by Qatar Sports Investments in 2011. Qatar’s near 15-year involvement with the club has led to eye-watering sums of money being spent with the stated aim of winning the Champions League. In 2017, they sign Neymar from Barcelona, meeting the €222 million release clause in his contract. A fee so deliberately high no-one would ever meet it. A fee still unsurpassed eight years on.  

While the age of the superstars may be over at PSG, they still have European football’s highest wage budget by some distance (an impressive feat when you remember that Real Madrid exist). Their Georgian talisman Kvaratskhelia only moved to the club in January for a reported €70m. Hardly loose change. 

Paris Saint-Germain is a Qatari ‘sportswashing’ project. An attempt to make a political regime palatable to European sensibilities by assembling a football team that is deeply, deeply likeable.  

And it certainly seems to be working. Rio Ferdinand, on co-commentary for the final, declared that a PSG victory would be ‘good for football’. So did Jason Burt, chief football correspondent for The Telegraph in an article that unironically has a subtitle starting “They may be funded by a nation state but …”. 

This is why I find it so disingenuous when people demand we ‘keep politics out of football’. (And anyway, what people often mean here is that they’d like to keep left-wing politics out of football, like the ‘take a knee’ or ‘rainbow laces’ campaigns). Politics is already in football and has been for quite some time now. If you haven’t spotted it, you simply haven’t been paying attention. 

I like Luis Enrique. I adore Vitinha. Kvaratskhelia makes me misty-eyed about the very nature of football. But PSG winning the Champions League is bad for football, because it’s a political victory before it’s a sporting one

PSG’s triumph is a timely reminder to the Church that it must remember the political nature of the call placed upon its very existence.

As is so often the case, football and religion find parallels in one another. For the Church, too, all too frequently finds itself as a political football. Debate continues about the place of Church of England Bishops in the House of Lords with only 33 per cent of Britons keen for religious leaders to express political opinions.  

But while this would certainly make the Church’s life easier, it’s simply not an option available to it. 

‘Gospel’ is not a Christian term. Not originally. It was a term used to describe an announcement or decree made about the Roman Emperor, a practice the Romans adopted from the Greeks before them. It is, in other words, an intractably political term. It is the ‘party-political broadcast’ of the ancient world.  

In hijacking the term ‘Gospel’ as a description for Jesus’ life and teaching, the early Church announces itself as an irrevocably political entity from its very beginnings. A body of people called to proclaim a political message. Or, at least, a message with significant political implications. Christ is king; Caesar is not.  

This does not mean that the Church is inherently left- or right-leaning. The Church is far older than this simplistic understanding of politics and will surely outlive it, too. But it does mean that the Church has a stake in the politics of the day; that it cannot be politically disinterested without simultaneously compromising something of its most fundamental identity.  

PSG’s Champions League win is not the first by a nation-backed club. Manchester City – principally owned by Vice President of the United Arab Emirates Sheikh Mansour bin Zayed Al Nahyan – won the Champions League in 2023 (also beating Inter Milan in the final; bless them). Depending on what we make of Roman Abramovich’s connections to the Russian state, it’s also worth noting Chelsea’s wins in 2012 and 2021, too. 

But PSG’s win – and the emphatic nature of it over one of the ‘old guards’ of club football – feels like a watershed moment for the sport. It is the culmination of the past 20-or-so years of both football’s internal politics, and the external politics acting upon it. It is a worrying statement of intent of its direction of travel, too.  

When Christianity and football feign political neutrality, they simply invite the dominant politics of the day to ride roughshod over them. Insidious politics will always fill any vacuum available to it. PSG’s triumph is a timely reminder to the Church that it must remember the political nature of the call placed upon its very existence. Otherwise it will find itself a mouthpiece for a kingdom to which it does not belong.  

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