Article
Ethics
4 min read

The expectations of an oath: lessons from Hippocrates

M. Çiftçi explores the evolution of a historic and contemporary commitment to protect the vulnerable.

Mehmet Ciftci has a PhD in political theology from the University of Oxford. His research focuses on bioethics, faith and politics.

While surgeons operate in the background a digital display shows numbers in the foreground
Natanael Melchor on Unsplash.

A ‘casual acceptance of infanticide seems to have been not the exception but the rule among both Greeks and Romans in the centuries immediately preceding the birth of Christ.’ That shocking fact about the pagan world’s attitudes towards children, mentioned in David Albert Jones’ The Soul of the Embryo, has been brought to our attention again recently by Tom Holland’s Dominion. Since his book was published, much has been written, even in Seen & Unseen, about the radical alteration of our attitudes towards the weak and vulnerable, especially children, women, and slaves, by the Christian faith’s love for the weak over the strong. The depictions of Christ’s suffering humanity in crucifixes over centuries slowly worked to change the attitudes of even the strong and powerful.  

But to think that the Greco-Roman world was entirely callous towards the vulnerable is not true. There is a minority of voices revealing that, even then, there were some opposed to the killing of children in the womb or after birth. There were some who anticipated the revolution of values that the Judaeo-Christian tradition was about to inaugurate. Within that minority of pagan authors, the writings attributed to Hippocrates (who was roughly a contemporary of Socrates) and to his school, in particular, stand out. Translations of his writings from Greek into Syriac, Arabic, and Latin ensured their influence for centuries over Muslim and Christian physicians. The most well-known one, of course, is the Hippocratic Oath, which explicitly forbids causing an abortion using a pessary.  

Its description of the moral rules and humane ideals that physicians swear to obey, is partly responsible for the honour and prestige that is still, even today, attached to the medical profession. Medical schools around the world, including 70 percent of them in the UK, still use some version of the Oath in their graduation ceremonies, so that the new medics can make their promise to obey a short summary of the ethical ideal that should guide their practice. The revival of interest in the Oath more recently dates from the post-war period, when the appalling example of medical experimentation in the Nazi regime led the then newly founded World Medical Association to draft the Declaration of Geneva in 1948, since revised multiple times, which have in turn inspired many other versions of the Oath to be written. Some of them are banal and frankly silly, such as one version by the poet David Hart: ‘I will not knowingly do harm to those in my care, I will smile at them and encourage them to attend to their dreams and so hear the voices of their inner strangers’.  

Doctors today, in their day-to-day work, rely more often on complex documents detailing their professional obligations. So, what can we and they learn from the Oath? 

The Oath includes general promises to use treatments for the benefit of patients and to protect them from harm and injustice, but more specifically it also promises to not give a deadly drug to anyone if asked, nor to suggest giving one to a patient, including a pessary to cause an abortion as I’ve already mentioned. Later the Oath states:  

‘Into whichever houses I enter, I will go for the benefit of patients, keeping myself free of any intentional injustice or corruption, particularly in sexual matters, involving both female and male bodies, both of the free and of slaves.’  

Already, this tells us, there was an awareness that patients are vulnerable when in the care of another. The physician must not take advantage of their vulnerability, either sexually, or by euthanising them, or by enabling those in despair to commit suicide. A renewed commitment to these rules should be urged, since some doctors continue to abuse their power over patients in these ways, sometimes even with legal permission in countries that permit assisted suicide

That the Oath was written by a pagan points to the possibility of us all finding our way, without appeal to any holy book or revelation, to an agreement about some basic moral rules that should guide doctors. However, Christianity put its own spin on the Hippocratic Oath, as we can see from a Christian version of it dating from the early Middle Ages. Gone is the reference to swearing by Apollo and Asclepius, whose serpent-entwined rod remains a symbol of medicine today. But, more importantly, the Christian oath forbids causing an abortion by any means, making the promise more definite and explicit. This provides further evidence of the argument mentioned at the beginning of Christianity’s preoccupation with defending the most vulnerable from harm.   

Whereas the original Oath envisages belonging to a closely-knit circle of physicians, led by a teacher, from which outsiders are to be excluded, those sections are completely missing from the Christian version. According to W.H.S. Jones, this could be because creating ‘an inner circle of practitioners shows an aristocratic exclusiveness, which is in sharp contrast with the universal brotherhood of Christianity. The relief of pain and suffering … should be tied by no fetters and hindered by no trade-union rules. Christian benevolence should be universal.’ For that reason, Jones thought that the Christian Oath might have been originally written during the earliest centuries of Christianity, when Jesus’ healing missions and the Apostles’ practice of holding all possessions in common had not yet been ‘forgotten or neglected.’  

In Westminster Abbey, last year, we saw at the Coronation that the heart of our political system is an exchange of vows between monarch and his people, vows sworn in the belief that to remain faithful to what was promised are gifts given by something above us and beyond our ability to control. Similarly, the weighty responsibilities of marriage have inspired societies across generations to begin married life by pledging solemn promises. Why should we expect anything less from those who take us into their care when we are struck by disease, or facing death?  

Article
Assisted dying
Death & life
Ethics
Politics
4 min read

What will stop the culture of death that libertarian Britain has embraced?

Now we’re allowed to end life with impunity

Graham is the Director of the Centre for Cultural Witness and a former Bishop of Kensington.

Diane Abbott speaks in the assisted dying debate.
Dianne Abbott MP speaks in the assisted dying debate.

Just a few days apart, two debates recently took place in the House of Commons concerning life and death. In the first, MPs voted to decriminalise late-term abortions. In the second, they voted for assisted dying. Both times, the reach of death grew a little longer.

Imagine a mother about to have a baby who is suddenly having grave doubts about whether she can manage a new child as the moment draws near. It’s not hard to sympathise with many in this situation, but rather than recommend she goes through with the birth, and perhaps putting the baby up for adoption for childless parents desperate to adopt, we now have passed legislation that allows us to terminate the baby’s life instead. Proponents argued this was to relieve a small number of women who had been prosecuted for late-term abortions. The reality is, however, that it will probably become more common. In the debate, Jim Shannon MP pointed out that in New Zealand, in the first year after their parliament voted the same way, late-term abortions increased by 43 per cent.

A baby a week before and a week after birth are virtually identical. Yet as a result of this bill, it will not be a criminal act to end the life of the first, but it will be to do the same to the second. What’s the betting that the logic of this will stretch before long to allowing parents to terminate the lives of newborn babies with a new limit – say up to one month after birth? The arguments will be exactly the same – sympathy for distressed parents who suddenly realise they cannot cope with a new life on their hands, especially if the baby is discovered to be flawed in some way. When emotional sympathy, personal choice and the rights of the mother over the baby become the only moral arguments, the logic is inevitable.

Despite the argument shifting rapidly against the Terminally Ill Adults Bill – the vote passed by 314 votes to 291, with 32 MPs apparently having changed their minds - it now looks likely that this second bill will pass into law in a few years’ time, despite scrutiny in the Lords.

Here on Seen & Unseen, we have scrutinised the arguments put forward for assisted dying over past months. We have argued about the unintended consequences for the many of permitting assisted dying for the few. In The Times a while ago, I argued that if ‘dignity’ means autonomy — my ability to choose the place, the time and the manner in which I die — there is no logical reason why we should refuse that right to someone who, for whatever reason feels their life is no longer worth living, however trivial we may feel their problems to be. With this understanding of dignity as unlimited choice, the slippery slope is not just likely, it is philosophically inevitable.

In both cases the logic of the arguments used means the march of our ability to bring about death will not stop with these measures, despite their proponents’ assurances that safeguards are in place.

These two votes reminded me of something Pope John Paul II once wrote. In an encyclical, Evangelium Vitae – the Gospel of Life - he warned that “we are facing an enormous and dramatic clash between what he called a “culture of death” and a “culture of life”.

He warned that this “culture of death” would be “actively fostered by powerful cultural, economic and political currents which encourage an idea of society excessively concerned with efficiency.” It is, in effect, he argued, “a war of the powerful against the weak: a life which would require greater acceptance, love and care is considered useless, or held to be an intolerable burden, and is therefore rejected in one way or another. A person who, because of illness, handicap or, more simply, just by existing, compromises the well-being or lifestyle of those who are more favoured tends to be looked upon as an enemy to be resisted or eliminated. In this way a kind of ‘conspiracy against life’ is unleashed.”

They were strong words, and in the UK at least, back in 1995, might have seemed alarmist. Yet I couldn't help thinking of them as these two bills passed through the UK’s national parliament. In both cases, the bills were introduced very rapidly with little time for serious moral deliberation. Both depended on emotional appeals to a small number of admittedly distressing cases without serious consideration for the wider cultural and philosophical ramifications of these seismic moves. Both encouraged the steady encroachment of death on demand.

What concerns me is what these bills say about the kind of culture we are becoming. MND sufferer Michael Wenham makes the point powerfully that this is all about autonomy and independence, a spurious kind of compassion, and the fact that palliative care is more expensive than subtly encouraging the dying to take their own life. Looking behind the arguments for compassion, it's not hard to spot the iron law of libertarian ideas of freedom, where individuals have absolute rights over their own lives and bodies that trump everything else. This is the kind of libertarian freedom that prizes personal autonomy above everything else and therefore sees our neighbours not so much as gifts to be valued and cherished, but limitations, or even threats to our precious personal freedoms.

Pope John Paul was right. It does seem that we are opting for a culture of death. And my fear is that it won’t stop here.

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